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名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

時(shí)間:2024-09-28 00:25:28 演講稿 我要投稿

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

  通過(guò)對(duì)演講稿語(yǔ)言的推究可以提高語(yǔ)言的表現(xiàn)力,增強(qiáng)語(yǔ)言的感染力。在不斷進(jìn)步的社會(huì)中,我們可以使用演講稿的機(jī)會(huì)越來(lái)越多,演講稿的注意事項(xiàng)有許多,你確定會(huì)寫嗎?下面是小編為大家整理的名人英語(yǔ)演講稿,僅供參考,歡迎大家閱讀。

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿1

  Good afternoon everyone. Today, I am very happy to have the chance standing here, delivering a speech to all of you today. I am going to talk about things that are closely related t all of us, no matter how old are you, what is your gender and so on.

  Friendship is vital and it's necessary for the development, not only the individual but also the whole society and even the world. Friendship, to describe chemically, is a bond between two people, from unfamiliar, to familiar and then become close friends. Do you need friends? I am sure that all of your answers are definite yes!

  But have you ever wondered why God will create such special bonding between human, instead of leaving all of us an lonely island? That can't be explained simply through the importance of cooperation. Friendship is much more than that and also deeper. Cooperation can be existed in both partners and friends. But friends at the same time, can be your partner too! Not your partner when doing project or at work, but your lifetime partner! It's as important as your marital partner.

  Whenever you are depressed, your friends will definitely comfort you and give you some spiritual support. There's no existence of profits and loss, which are materialistic things in the world, but simply friendship and love. Whenever you are happy or successful, your friends won't envy you and share the happiness with you as well.

  Maybe you can't realize the importance of friendship at this stage as most of you didn't experience much about the outside world. Your friends actually is a platform for you to release your both good and bad emotion away at a regular interval. If you just don't give it away and accumulate them inside your heart, you won't live out the true meaning of this life as you only think of bad things and you don't know how to get it away! So, never underestimate the importance and power of friendship!

  I hope through this speech, all of you can really learn something about life. Of course, they are very objective things, and definitely need you to explore themselves. This is the end of my sharing. Thank you!

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿2

  dear audience and judges, my topic is can money buy happiness. as we all know, money can buy all the goods in our life, no matter how huge it

  is. a spaceship, for example, if you really feel your bank account can afford it. anyhow, money equal wealthy in life but not happiness in mind. only by changing

  our attitude to money and enjoying every day, can we obtain a truely happy future!

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿3

  As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

  We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

  The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

  The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

  The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

  Like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.

  Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

  As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

  Thanksgiving reminds us that America's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

  Thank you for listening.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿4

  This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.

  I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.

  We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.

  For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.

  Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.

  Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.

  Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.

  We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.

  There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.

  But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.

  Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.

  And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.

  The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.

  She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.

  That meant a lot to her.

  These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.

  Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.

  There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspapers.

  I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.

  It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.

  She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.

  Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.

  We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.

  William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.

  I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.

  Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿5

  this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for onething: ann nixon cooper is 106 yearsold.

  這次選舉有許多優(yōu)勢(shì),許多故事,會(huì)被告知幾代人。但是,這在我腦海今晚的約一個(gè)女人誰(shuí)投她的選票在亞特蘭大。她就像數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的其他人誰(shuí)站在線,使他們的聲音在這次選舉中除一件事:尼克松安庫(kù)珀是106歲。

  she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

  她出生的一代剛剛過(guò)去的奴役;當(dāng)時(shí)有沒有汽車在道路上或飛機(jī)在天空中;當(dāng)有人能像她一樣不參加表決的原因有兩個(gè)-因?yàn)樗且幻,由于她的顏色皮膚。

  and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.

  今晚,我想所有的,她在整個(gè)看到她在美國(guó)的世紀(jì)-在心痛和希望;的斗爭(zhēng)和取得的;的時(shí)候,我們被告知,我們不能,和人民誰(shuí)壓上與美國(guó)的信條:是我們能夠做到。

  at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.

  當(dāng)時(shí)婦女的聲音被壓制和他們的希望被駁回,她活著看到他們站起來(lái),說(shuō)出并達(dá)成的選票。是我們能夠做到。

  when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. yes we can.

  當(dāng)有絕望中的塵埃和抑郁一碗全國(guó)的.土地,她看到一個(gè)民族征服恐懼本身的新政,新的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì),一個(gè)新的共同使命感。是我們能夠做到。

  when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.

  當(dāng)炸彈落在我們的港口和***威脅世界,她在那里目睹了一代產(chǎn)生的偉大和***是保存。是我們能夠做到。

  she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overcome." yes we can.

  她在那里的巴士蒙哥馬利,軟管在英國(guó)伯明翰,橋梁塞爾瑪和傳教士從亞特蘭大誰(shuí)告訴人民,“我們克服。 ”是我們能夠做到。

  a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.

  一名男子降落在月球上,墻上下來(lái)在柏林,世界是連接我們自己的科學(xué)和想象力。

  and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.

  今年,在這次選舉中,她談到她的手指到屏幕上,她和演員投票,因?yàn)?XX年后,在美國(guó),通過(guò)最好的時(shí)候和最黑暗的時(shí)間,她知道怎樣可以改變美國(guó)。

  yes we can.是我們能夠做到。

  america, we have come so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do. so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?

  美國(guó),我們來(lái)到迄今。我們已經(jīng)看到這么多。但有這么多事情要做。因此,今夜,讓我們反問(wèn)一下我們自己,如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個(gè)世紀(jì);如果我的女兒能夠幸運(yùn)地活得像安-尼克森-庫(kù)珀那樣長(zhǎng),他們將會(huì)看到什么樣的變化?我們那時(shí)將會(huì)取得什么樣的進(jìn)步?

  this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.

  這是我們來(lái)回答問(wèn)題的機(jī)會(huì),這是我們的時(shí)刻。

  this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.

  這是我們的時(shí)代,要使我們的人民重新工作并將機(jī)會(huì)留給我們的子孫;重新恢復(fù)繁榮并促進(jìn)和平;回歸我們的美國(guó)夢(mèng)想并重申一個(gè)基本事實(shí)--在眾人之中,我們也是其中一個(gè);當(dāng)我們呼吸,當(dāng)我們充滿希望的時(shí)候,我們?cè)庥隼涑盁嶂S和質(zhì)疑,那些人認(rèn)為我們無(wú)法做到。我們將用一句話來(lái)做出回應(yīng):不,我們可以!

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿6

  Americans today need an economy that permits people to rise again. A Trump Presidency will turn the economy around and restore the great American tradition of giving each newgeneration hope for brighter opportunities than those of the generation that came before. In Donald Trump, you have a candidate who knows the difference between wanting something done and making it happen.When my father says that he will build a tower, keep an eye on the skyline. Floor by floor a soaring structure will appear, usually record setting in its height and iconic in its design.

  Real people are hired to do real work. Vision becomes reality. When my father says that he will make America great again, he will deliver.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿7

  Do you like dancing?

  One of my classmates likes dancing very much. She hasbeen studying dance for ten years, she has studied national dance and ballet,and dance has made her an elegant girl. She had a teacher who taught her todance because she wanted to go to college by dancing. I like dancing, too, but Ilike street dance. I like watching street dance shows very much, such as "thisis street dance", I think street dance is very cool, can make a person veryattractive, and street dance spread love and peace, which is verymeaningful.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿8

  Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"

  Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

  The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

  I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

  When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

  Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

  The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

  Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

  The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

  We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

  It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

  No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

  The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

  Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

  Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

  I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

  To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

  The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

  At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

  I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

  I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

  I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

  The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

  It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

  It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

  Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

  We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

  In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

  This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

  We must keep that hope alive.

  The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

  Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

  I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿9

  how do you master your youth?youthyouth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshne; it is the freshneof the deep springs of life h means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. ts often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years. we grow old by deserting our s wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. worry, fear, self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to her 60 of 16, there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing cldlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wirelestation: so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young the aerials are down, and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at k you!

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿10

  Vice President Johnson,Mr. Speaker,Mr. Chief Justice,President Eisenhower,Vice President Nixon,President Truman,reverend clergy,fellow citizens:

  We observe today not a victory of party,but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end,as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal,as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

  The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state,but from the hand of God.

  We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place,to friend and foe alike,that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century,tempered by war,disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,proud of our ancient heritage,and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed,and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

  Let every nation know,whether it wishes us well or ill,that we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.

  To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free,we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that,in the past,those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

  To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery,we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves,for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it,not because we seek their votes,but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.

  To our sister republics south of our border,we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds,in a new alliance for progress,to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

  To that world assembly of sovereign states,the United Nations,our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace,we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak,and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally,to those nations who would make themselves our adversary,we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace,before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

  We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons,both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom,yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

  So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear,but let us never fear to negotiate.

  Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides,for the first time,formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms,and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

  Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and encourage the arts and commerce.

  Let both sides unite to heed,in all corners of the earth,the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens,and [to] let the oppressed go free." And,if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power,but a new world of law -- where the strong are just,and the weak secure,and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

  In your hands,my fellow citizens,more than mine,will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded,each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms,though arms we need -- not as a call to battle,though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle,year in and year out,"rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny,poverty,disease,and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South,East and West,that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world,only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy,the faith,the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so,my fellow Americans,ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world,ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

  Finally,whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world,ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward,with history the final judge of our deeds,let us go forth to lead the land we love,asking His blessing and His help,but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

  譯文:

  約翰遜副總統(tǒng),Speaker先生,首席大法官艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng),總統(tǒng),尼克松總統(tǒng),杜魯門總統(tǒng),牧師牧師,同胞們:

  今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利,而是自由的慶典——象征著一個(gè)結(jié)束,也是一個(gè)開始——意味著更新,以及改變。因?yàn)槲乙言谀銈兒腿艿纳系勖媲扒f嚴(yán)宣誓,我們的祖先175年前。

  現(xiàn)在世界是非常不同的。因?yàn)槿祟愓莆赵谒械牧α,它可以消除所有形式的人類貧困和所有形式的人類生活?墒俏覀兊淖嫦葹橹畩^斗的革命信念,在世界各地仍然有問(wèn)題,這個(gè)信念就是:人的權(quán)利并非來(lái)自國(guó)家的慷慨,而是來(lái)自上帝之手。

  今天,我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們從這個(gè)時(shí)間和地點(diǎn),朋友和敵人,這火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國(guó)人-出生在本世紀(jì),經(jīng)歷過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的鍛煉,在艱苦的和平,有我們古老的遺產(chǎn)感到自豪,他們不愿目睹或允許緩慢打倒那些人權(quán)是這個(gè)國(guó)家一直致力于,也是我們致力于在國(guó)內(nèi)和世界各地的今天。

  讓每一個(gè)國(guó)家都知道,無(wú)論它希望我們好或壞,我們將付出任何代價(jià),承擔(dān)任何負(fù)擔(dān),應(yīng)付任何困難,支持任何朋友,反對(duì)任何敵人,以確保自由的生存和成功。這是我們的承諾-和更多。

  對(duì)于那些我們共同分享的文化和精神起源的老盟友,我們保證忠實(shí)的朋友的忠誠(chéng)。在一個(gè)合作企業(yè)中,我們幾乎不能做什么。分有一點(diǎn)我們可以做的--因?yàn)槲覀儾桓覒?yīng)付強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)在爭(zhēng)吵不休、四分五裂時(shí)。對(duì)于那些我們歡迎的自由的行列的新國(guó)家,我們保證我們的話,一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治不會(huì)消失,僅僅是由一個(gè)更為殘酷的暴政所取代。我們并不總是指望他們支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望找到他們強(qiáng)烈地支持他們自己的自由,并記住,在過(guò)去,那些愚蠢地尋求權(quán)力的.人騎在老虎的后面結(jié)束了。

  對(duì)于那些在半個(gè)地球上掙扎著打破大眾苦難的村莊的小屋和村莊的人們,我們保證我們盡最大努力幫助他們幫助他們自己,無(wú)論什么時(shí)期是必需的-不是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨人可以這樣做,不是因?yàn)槲覀儗で笏麄兊倪x票,而是因?yàn)樗钦_的。如果一個(gè)自由的社會(huì)不能幫助那些貧窮的人,它就不能拯救少數(shù)富有的人。

  在我們的邊境南部的姐妹共和國(guó),我們提供了一個(gè)特殊的承諾:把我們的好的話變成善行,在一個(gè)新的聯(lián)盟的進(jìn)步,幫助自由的人和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種希望的和平革命不能成為敵對(duì)勢(shì)力的獵物。讓我們所有的鄰居都知道,我們將與他們一起反對(duì)在美洲任何地方的侵略或顛覆。讓每一個(gè)其他的力量知道,這個(gè)半球打算保持自己的房子的主人。

  對(duì)于世界上所有的主權(quán)國(guó)家,聯(lián)合國(guó),我們最后的希望,在這樣一個(gè)時(shí)代,戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的手段已經(jīng)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)了和平的工具,我們重申予以支持,防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場(chǎng)所,加強(qiáng)它對(duì)新的和弱小國(guó)家的保護(hù),并擴(kuò)大在其主導(dǎo)作用的領(lǐng)域。最后,對(duì)于那些與我們?yōu)閿,我們提供的不是保證,而是要求:雙方重新開始尋求和平,在科學(xué)釋放出的毀滅性力量有意無(wú)意地毀滅全人類。

  我們不敢用弱點(diǎn)來(lái)誘惑他們。只有當(dāng)我們的手臂足夠超越懷疑時(shí),我們才能毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地確信他們永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)被雇用。但也不能兩個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的國(guó)家集團(tuán),從我們目前的課程舒適--雙方都背負(fù)著現(xiàn)代武器的負(fù)擔(dān),都理所當(dāng)然使致命的原子武器的不斷擴(kuò)散,但雙方都力圖改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖平衡保持人類的最后一戰(zhàn)。

  因此讓我們重新開始,雙方都應(yīng)記住,謙恭不是軟弱,真誠(chéng)有待驗(yàn)證。讓我們不要出于恐懼而談判,但讓我們不要害怕談判。

  讓雙方都來(lái)探討使我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)的問(wèn)題,而不是那些使我們分裂的問(wèn)題。讓雙方第一次為檢查和控制武器制定嚴(yán)肅和精確的建議,并在所有國(guó)家的絕對(duì)控制下,帶來(lái)毀滅其他國(guó)家的絕對(duì)力量。

  讓雙方尋求召喚的奇跡

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿11

  Dstinguished judges, teachers, dear friends:

  Hello, everyone! My name is cheng _iang yan , I am a junior student come from life science institution .Today, I am very glad to stand here and share with you my most sincere speech‘Flying youth, master our future!’

  Life is a process of growing up. Saying goodbye to childhood, we step into another important time of life in the pace of young, facing new situations, dealing with different problems.....

  However, who can really say what the youth is ? A period of time? A belief?An attitude to life? Or anything else? actually, everyone has his ownunderstanding of young, it is a period of time of beauty and wonders, only after you have e_perienced the sour , sweet ,bitter and salty, can you really become a person of significance.

  Just like A famous poet said ‘ youth is a lovely song ,where nothing is impossible ,youth is a meaningful book, you’ll be never bored of it ;youth is a rapid river ,it keeps on flowing day and night ;youth is a cup of tea ,it shows you different kinds of tastes in your life.

  As youth is so precious, of course, we must treasure it .Don’t let the limited time pass by, grasping the young will means a better time is waiting for you in the near future.

  So,It’s necessary for us to prepare ourselves well for the future to come. having a view on those great men in the history of hunman being, they all made full use of their youth time to do things that are useful to society, to the whole mankind, and as a consequence ,they are remembered by later generations, admired by everyone. so do something in the time of young, although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole world, just for youeself, for those around! So, what should we do when we are young? Here,I’ll point out some tips to help equip ourselves.

  First of all,think of what you’d like to be some day. A teacher ? A doctor ? A writer? Don’t afraid of dreaming of big and great .Since you are young , you can dream of doing anything and becoming anyone in the future. What’s more , never ignore the power of knowledge. Read more books and travel around. For one thing, it can increase your knowledge, for another, it’ll broaden your horizon.

  Last but not the least , stick to your dream. It easier said than done. After all, future is not all roses. young is just like blooming flowers, they are so beautiful when blooming, which make people feel happy, but with time passing by, after they withers ,most people think they are ugly. and so it is the same with young, we are enthusiastic when we are young, then we may lose our passion when getting older and older. So we should have enough courage and determination to overcome all the difficulties in struggling on the road.

  I firmly believe one sentence that‘If you think you can, of course you can!’Just believe we can make it! Keep on walking towards our dream. Flying youth , master our future. From today, from now on , are you Ready ? That’s all. Thank you so much for your attention !

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿12

  I feel that this award was not made to me as a man but to my work -- a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit not for glory and least of all for profit but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before.

  我感覺,這個(gè)獎(jiǎng)不是授予我這個(gè)人,而是授予我的工作,它是對(duì)我嘔心瀝血、畢生從事的人類精神探索的工作的肯定。我的這項(xiàng)工作不為名,更不圖利,而是要從人類精神的原始素材里創(chuàng)造出前所未有的東西。

  I feel that this award was not made to me as a man but to my work -- a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit not for glory and least of all for profit but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail among whom is already that one who will some day stand here where I am standing.

  我感到這份獎(jiǎng)金不是授予我個(gè)人而是授予我的工作的授予我一生從事關(guān)于人類精神的嘔心瀝血工作.我從事這項(xiàng)工作不是為名更不是為利而是為了從人的精神原料中創(chuàng)造出一些從前不曾有過(guò)的東西.因此這份獎(jiǎng)金只不過(guò)是托我保管而已.為這份獎(jiǎng)金的錢找到與獎(jiǎng)金原來(lái)的目的和意義相稱的用途并不難但我還想為獎(jiǎng)金的榮譽(yù)找到承受者.我愿意利用這個(gè)時(shí)刻利用這個(gè)舉世矚目的講壇向那些聽到我說(shuō)話并已獻(xiàn)身同一艱苦勞動(dòng)的男女青年致敬.他們中肯定有人有一天也會(huì)站到我現(xiàn)在站著的地方.

  Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about worth the agony and the sweat.

  我們今天的悲劇是人們普遍存在一種生理上的恐懼這種恐懼存在已久以致我們能夠忍受下去了.現(xiàn)在再?zèng)]有精神上的問(wèn)題了.唯一的問(wèn)題是:我什么時(shí)候會(huì)被炸得粉身碎骨?正因?yàn)槿绱私裉鞆氖聦懽鞯哪信嗄暌呀?jīng)忘記了人類內(nèi)心的`沖突.然而只有接觸到這種內(nèi)心沖突才能產(chǎn)生出好作品因?yàn)檫@是唯一值得寫值得嘔心瀝血地去寫的.

  He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and teaching himself that forget it forever leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed -- love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so he labors under a curse. He writes not of love but of lust of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value of victories without hope and worst of all without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones leaving no scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands.

  他一定要重新認(rèn)識(shí)這些問(wèn)題.他必須使自己明白世間最可鄙的事情莫過(guò)于恐懼.他必須使自己永遠(yuǎn)忘卻恐懼在他的工作室里除了心底古老的真理之外不允許任何別的東西有容身之地.缺了這古老的普遍真理任何小說(shuō)都只能曇花一現(xiàn)注定要失敗;這些真理就是愛情榮譽(yù)憐憫自尊同情犧牲等感情.若是他做不到這樣他的力氣終歸白費(fèi).他不是寫愛情而是寫情欲他寫的失敗是沒有人感到失去可貴東西的失敗他寫的勝利是沒有希望甚至沒有憐憫或同情的勝利.他不是為有普遍意義的死亡而悲傷所以留不下深刻的痕跡.他不是在寫心靈而是在寫器官.

  Until he relearns these things he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I decline to accept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice but because he has a soul a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.

  在他重新懂得這些之前他寫作時(shí)就猶如站在人類末日中去觀察末日的來(lái)臨.我不接受人類末日的手法.因?yàn)槿四軅鞣N接代而說(shuō)人是不朽的這很容易.因?yàn)榧词棺詈笠淮午娐曇呀?jīng)消失消失在再也沒有潮水沖刷映在落日的余暉里海上最后一塊無(wú)用的礁石之旁時(shí)還會(huì)有一個(gè)聲音那就是人類微弱的不斷的說(shuō)話聲這樣說(shuō)也很容易.但是我不能接受這種說(shuō)法.我相信人類不僅能傳種接代而且能戰(zhàn)勝一切.人之不朽不是因?yàn)樵趧?dòng)物中唯獨(dú)他能永遠(yuǎn)發(fā)出聲音而是因?yàn)樗徐`魂有同情心有犧牲和忍耐精神.

  The poet’s the writer's duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man it can be one of the props the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

  詩(shī)人和作家的責(zé)任就是把這些寫出來(lái).詩(shī)人和作家的特殊光榮就是去鼓舞人的斗志使人記住過(guò)去曾經(jīng)有過(guò)的光榮他曾有過(guò)的勇氣榮譽(yù)希望自尊同情憐憫與犧牲精神以達(dá)到不朽.詩(shī)人的聲音不應(yīng)只是人類的紀(jì)錄而應(yīng)是幫助人類永存并得到勝利的支柱和棟梁.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿13

  The answer is no. I could have brought myparents to a new place for buffet breakfast on an awesome autumn Sunday morning, I could have bought a SUV in Xiamen and move them around. I didn’t, due to various restrictions.

  Would I choose a different path had we got achance to turn the clock back to the time when I was in my early 20s? I don't thinkso. Let me tell you why.

  I quite agree with the following the quote fromB. J. Neblett.

  "We are the sum total of our experiences. Thoseexperiences – be they positive or negative – make us the person we are, at anygiven point in our lives."

  Part of the reasons why we are who we are todayis those experiences and those people we have encountered over the years. In hindsight, I can’t even tell whether certain decisions I have made, certain paths I have taken, are right or wrong. We may regret for those things we didn’t do enough. What we can is to make up for it within our capacity while it is in time, while your parents are still alive, while your kids haven’t entered puberty stage.

  Over to you, Toastmaster.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿14

  “Once upon a time, there was a king who had a daughter as beautiful as a blooming rose. To all the suitors who came to the king's palace to ask for the hand of the princess, the old king assigned three tasks to be accomplished, each next to impossible. One day, into the king's palace came a handsome young prince…" Well, you know the rest. The three tasks may be different in different versions, but the main plot is always the same, with the prince claiming the princess's hand triumphantly.

  And the ending is always the same, finishing with the line "And they live happily every after."

  Why aren't we tired of something so fanciful, so unrealistic, and, I would say, so unimaginative? How can a story like that endure generations of repetition`? Because, I think, it is a typical success story. It is highly philosophical and symbolic. By implication, we see a 4-step definition of success: 1 ) a goal to be set. as represented by the beautiful princess; 2 ) challenges to be met, as represented by the three tasks; 3 ) the process of surmounting difficulties, as represented by the ordeals the youth goes through; and 4 ) the reward of success, as represented by the happy marriage.

  The story not only caters to everyone's inward yearning for success, but also emphasizes the inseparability of the process and the result. The reward of success will be much amplified if the path leading towards it is treacherous, and vice versa. If a person inherits his father's millions and leads an easy life, he is not a successful person even in material terms, because there are no difficulties involved in his achieving affluence. The term "success", to be sure. will not sit still for easy definition. But as I understand it, the true meaning of success entails a combination of both the process and the satisfactory result of an endeavor. To clarify my view, let me give another analogy.

  If we changed the rules of football, greatly enlarged the goal and sent away David Seaman or any other goal keeper, so that another David, namely David Beckham, could score easily, then scoring would not give him the thrill of accomplishment and the joy that it brings. If we further changed the rules by not allowing Arsenal's defenders to defend, so that Beckham needed only to lift a finger, actually a toe, to score, then there would be no game at all, because the meaning of winning would have disappeared. In accepting the challenge, in surmounting the difficulties and in enduring the hardship, success acquires its value. The sense of attainment varies in proportion to the degree of difficulties on overcomes.

  The concept of success is not constant but relative because the nature of difficulty is also relative. Something you do effortlessly might pose a great difficulty for a handicapped person. In acquiring the ability to do the same as you can, he or she achieve success. That's why we greatly admire Stephen Hawking, because, though confined to a wheel chair, he has contributed greatly to the field of science.

名人英語(yǔ)演講稿15

  as everyone knows, english is very important today. it has been used everywhere in the world. it has become the most common language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english well, we will have more chance to succeed. because more and more people have taken notice of it, the number of the people who go to learn english has increased at a gh for myself, i learn english not only because of its importance and its usefulness, but also because of my love for it. when i learn english, i can feel a different way of tnking wch gives me more room to touch the world. when i read english novels, i can feel the pleasure from the book wch is different from reading the translation. when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words. when i write english, i can see the beauty wch is not the same as our cnese...i love english, it gives me a colorful dream. i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different countries. i can see many places of great intrests. i dream that i can go to london, because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people, i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!

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