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Economic Evolution
A Living along the Orinoco River that borders Brazil and Venezuela are the Yanomam people, hunter-gatherers whose average annual income has been estimated at the equivalent of $90 per person per year. Living along the Hudson River that borders New York State and New Jersey are the Manhattan people, consumer traders whose average annual income has been estimated at $36,000 per person per year. That dramatic difference of 400 times, however, pales in comparison to the differences in Stock Keeping Units (SKUs, a measure of the number of types of retail products available), which has been estimated at 300 for the Yanomam and 10 billion for the Manhattans, a difference of 33 million times.
B How did this happen? According to economist Eric D. Beinhocker, who published these calculations in his revelatory work The Origin of Wealth (Harvard Business School Press, 2006), the explanation is to be found in complexity theory. Evolution and economics are not just analogous to each other, but they are actually two forms of a larger phenomenon called complex adaptive systems, in which individual elements, parts or agents interact, then process information and adapt their behavior to changing conditions. Immune systems, ecosystems, language, the law and the Internet are all examples of complex adaptive systems.
C In biological evolution, nature selects from the variation produced by random genetic mutations and the mixing of parental genes. Out of that process of cumulative selection emerges complexity and diversity. In economic evolution, our material economy proceeds through the production and selection of numerous permutations of countless products. Those 10 billion products in the Manhattan village represent only those variations that made it to market, after which there is a cumulative selection by consumers in the marketplace for those deemed most useful:VHS over Betamax, DVDs over VHS, CDs over vinyl records, flip phones over brick phones, computers over typewriters, Google over Altavista, SUVs over station wagons, paper books over e-books (still), and Internet news over network news (soon).Those that are purchased “survive” and "reproduce" into the future through repetitive use and remanufacturing.
D As with living organisms and ecosystems, the economy looks designed—so just as humans naturally deduce the existence of a top-down intelligent designer, humans also (understandably) infer that a top-down government designer is needed in nearly every aspect of the economy. But just as living organisms are shaped from the bottom up by natural selection, the economy is molded from the bottom up by the invisible hand. The correspondence between evolution and economics is not perfect, because some top-down institutional rules and laws are needed to provide a structure within which free and fair trade can occur. But too much top-down interference into the marketplace makes trade neither free nor fair. When such attempts have been made in the past they have failed—because markets are far too complex, interactive and autocatalytic to be designed from the top down. In his 1922 book, Socialism, Ludwig Von Mises spelled out the reasons why, most notably the problem of “economic calculation” in a planned socialist economy. In capitalism, prices are in constant and rapid flux and are determined from below by individuals freely exchanging in the marketplace. Money is a means of exchange, and prices are the information people use to guide their choices. Von Mises demonstrated that socialist economies depend on capitalist economies to determine what prices should be assigned to goods and services. And they do so cumbersomely and inefficiently. Relatively free markets are, ultimately, the only way to find out what buyers are willing to pay and what sellers are willing to accept.
E Economics helps to explain how Yanomam-like hunter-gatherers evolved into Manhattan-like consumer-traders. In the Nineteenth century French economist Frederic Bastiat well captured the principle: “Where goods do not cross frontiers, armies will." In addition to being fierce warriors, the Yanomam are also sophisticated traders, and the more they trade the less they fight. The reason is that trade is a powerful social adhesive that creates political alliances. One village cannot go to another village and announce that they are worried about being conquered by a third, more powerful village—that would reveal weakness. Instead they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting. And, as a result, not only gain military protection but also initiate a system of trade that—in the long run—leads to an increase in both wealth and SKUs.
F Free and fair trade occurs in societies where most individuals interact in ways that provide mutual benefit. The necessary rules weren't generated by wise men in a sacred temple, or lawmakers in congress, but rather evolved over generations and were widely accepted and practiced before the law was ever written. Laws that fail this test are ignored. If enforcement becomes too onerous, there is rebellion. Yet the concept that human interaction must, and can be controlled by a higher force is universal. Interestingly, there is no widespread agreement on who the "higher force" is. Religious people ascribe good behavior to god's law. They cannot conceive of an orderly society of atheists. Secular people credit the government. They consider anarchy to be synonymous with barbarity. Everyone seems to agree on the concept that orderly society requires an omnipotent force. Yet, everywhere there is evidence that this is not so. An important distinction between spontaneous social order and social anarchy is that the former is developed by work and investment, under the rule of law and with a set of evolved morals while the latter is chaos. The classical liberal tradition of von Mises and Hayek never makes the claim that the complete absence of top-down rules leads to the optimal social order. It simply says we should be skeptical about our ability to manage them in the name of social justice, equality, or progress.
Questions 1-5
Do the following statements agree with the information given in Reading Passage 1?
In boxes 1-5 on your answer sheet, write
TRUE if the statement is true
FALSE if the statement if false
NOT GIVEN if the information is not given in the passage
SKUs is a more precise measurement to demonstrate the economic level of a community.
No concrete examples are presented when the author makes the statement concerning economic evolution.
Evolution and economics show a defective homolog.
Martial actions might be taken to cross the borders if trades do not work.
Profit is the invisible hand to guide the market.
Questions 6-8
Choose the correct letter, A, B, C or D.
Write your answers in boxes 6-8 on your answer sheet.
6 What ought to play a vital role in each field the economy?
A a strict rule
B a smart strategy
C a tightly managed authority
D a powerful legislation
7-8 Which two of the following tools are used to pretend to ask for union according to one explanation from the perspective of economics
A an official announcement
B a diplomatic event
C the exchange of goods
D certain written correspondence
E some enjoyable treatment in a win-win situation
Questions 9-13
Summary
Complete the following summary of the paragraphs of Reading Passage, using no more than three words from the Reading Passage for each answer. Write your answers in boxes 9-13 on your answer sheet.
In response to the search of reasons for the phenomenon shown by the huge difference in the income between two groups of people both dwelling near the rivers, several researchers made their effort and gave certain explanations. One attributes 9 to the interesting change claiming that it is not as simple as it seems to be in appearance that the relationship between 10 which is a good example of 11 , which involve in the interaction of separate factors for the processing of information as well as the behavioral adaptation to unstable conditions. As far as the biological transformation is concerned, both 12 and the blend of genes from the last generation bring about the difference. The economic counterpart shows how generating and choosing the 13 of innumerable goods moves forward the material-oriented economy.
文章題目:經(jīng)濟進化論
篇章結(jié)構(gòu)
體裁 論說文
題目 經(jīng)濟進化論
結(jié)構(gòu) A段:Yanomam人和曼哈頓人在年收入及庫存單位上存在巨大差異
B段:介紹復(fù)雜適應(yīng)系統(tǒng)
C段:物質(zhì)經(jīng)濟通過產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和產(chǎn)品選擇完成進化
D段:經(jīng)濟由下而上進行選擇
E段:經(jīng)濟進化論解釋了采獵者如何進化為貿(mào)易者
F段:貿(mào)易可以自由演化,也可以由更高力量來控制
試題分析
Question 1-13
題目類型:LIST OF HEADINGS
題號 定位詞 文中對應(yīng)點 題目解析
1 SKUs A段第三句 A段提到SKUs(庫存單位),只是將Yanomam人和曼哈頓人在年收入和庫存單位上的差異做了一個比較,并未說明SKUs是否能夠衡量經(jīng)濟發(fā)展水平。
因此,本題答案為 NOT GIVEN。
2 Economic evolution C段第三句 C段第三句陳述了作者對于經(jīng)濟進化論的觀點之后,接下來的內(nèi)容都是舉例,例如,VHS、DVDs、CDs、computer等等。
因此,本題答案為FALSE.
3 Economics, evolution B段第三句 B段第三句提到economics和evolution之間的關(guān)系是analogous to each other,即兩者之間是類比的、相似的,則說明二者有相同的缺陷或者優(yōu)點。
因此,本題答案為TRUE。
4 Martial actions, trades ,borders E段第二句 E段第二句明確提到where goods do not cross frontiers, armies will。其中g(shù)oods、frontiers、armies分別對應(yīng)題目中的trades、borders、martial actions。
因此,本題答案為TRUE。
5 Invisible hand, market D段第二句 D段第二句提到經(jīng)濟是通過看不見的手自下而上進行選擇的,此處的經(jīng)濟指的就是題目中的market,原文只提到有“看不見的手”在引導(dǎo)經(jīng)濟,但是并沒有說明“看不見的手”是指什么。
因此,本題答案為NOT GIVEN。
6 Each field the economy D段第一句 D段第一句的第三個小分句提到,humans also infer that a top-down government designer is needed in nearly every aspect of the economy,此處的every aspect of the economy對應(yīng)題干中的 each field the economy,故能在經(jīng)濟各方面都起到作用的是a top-down government designer,即一個由上而下精心設(shè)計的政府。
因此,本題答案為C。
7 Pretend, union E段第六句 E段第六句提到,they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting,該句中的mask對應(yīng)題干的pretend,alliance對應(yīng)題干的union。原句說他們掩蓋真實動機尋求聯(lián)盟是通過trade和reciprocal feasting,即這兩種就是結(jié)盟的方式。Trade對應(yīng)C選項的the exchange of goods.
因此,本題答案為C。
8 Pretend, union E段第六句 E段第六句提到,they mask the real motives for alliance through trade and reciprocal feasting,該句中的mask對應(yīng)題干的pretend,alliance對應(yīng)題干的union。原句說他們掩蓋真實動機尋求聯(lián)盟是通過trade和reciprocal feasting,即這兩種就是結(jié)盟的方式。Reciprocal feasting對應(yīng)E選項的some enjoyable treatment in a win-win situation。
因此,本題答案為E。
9 Explanations B段第二句 B段第二句提出 the explanation is to be found in complexity theory。
因此,本題答案為complexity theory。
10 Relationship B段第三句 B段第三句提出evolution and economics are not just analogous to each other,此處提到進化和經(jīng)濟之間不僅僅只是類比關(guān)系,對應(yīng)的就是relationship。
因此,本題答案為evolution and economics。
11 Example B段第三句 B段第三句提到,but they(evolution and economics) are actually two forms of a larger phenomenon called complex adaptive systems。該句的forms即對應(yīng)example.
因此,本題答案為 complex adaptive systems。
12 Biological transformation, difference, blend of genes C段第一句 C段第一句提到,in biological evolution, nature selects from the variation produced by random genetic mutations and the mixing of parental genes。該句中的biological evolution對應(yīng)biological transformation,variation對應(yīng)difference,mixing of parental genes對應(yīng)blend of genes。
因此,本題答案為random genetic mutations。
13 Generating and choosing C段第三句 C段第三句提到,our material economy proceeds through the production and selection of numerous permutations of countless products。該句中的production and selection對應(yīng)generating and choosing。
因此,本題答案為permutations。
參考譯文:
經(jīng)濟進化論
A 生活在巴西和委內(nèi)瑞拉邊界的奧里諾科河畔的Yanomam人,以打獵為生,他們的平均年收入大約為每人每年90美元,而住在紐約州和新澤西州邊界的哈德遜河邊的曼哈頓人,從事著貿(mào)易行當(dāng),他們的平均年收入大約是每人每年36000美元。然而,如果用庫存單位(SKU指標(biāo),該數(shù)量的類型的零售產(chǎn)品可用)來衡量,這種400倍的戲劇性差異就顯得微不足道了。預(yù)計在300年和100億年的Yanomam為曼哈頓,一個差的3300萬倍!
B 這是怎么發(fā)生的?經(jīng)濟學(xué)家Eric D. Beinhocker在他的相關(guān)著作《財富的起源》(哈佛大學(xué)商學(xué)院出版社,2006年)中發(fā)表了若干文章,認為可以用復(fù)雜性理論來進行解釋。進化和經(jīng)濟之間不僅僅只是類比的關(guān)系,它們實際上是一種更宏大的現(xiàn)象——復(fù)雜適應(yīng)系統(tǒng)的兩種形式,該系統(tǒng)中的獨立元素和部分互相作用,然后進行信息處理以使它們的行為適應(yīng)變化的條件。免疫系統(tǒng),生態(tài)系統(tǒng),語言,法律和互聯(lián)網(wǎng)都是復(fù)雜性系統(tǒng)應(yīng)用的例子。
C 在生物進化的過程中,自然選擇產(chǎn)生于隨機的基因突變和父母基因的組合所產(chǎn)生的變化。復(fù)雜性和多樣性就是從這種累積性的選擇過程中產(chǎn)生的。在經(jīng)濟高速發(fā)展,我們的物質(zhì)經(jīng)濟收益通過不計其數(shù)的產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和選擇的無數(shù)的組合完成進化。在曼哈頓村的哪些100億的產(chǎn)品僅僅代表能夠進入市場的變化部分,隨之而來的是一個消費者在市場上對其最需要的產(chǎn)品進行累積性選擇的過程。VHS代替了Betamax, DVD取代了VHS, CD取代了塑膠唱片,翻蓋式移動手機取代了大哥大,電腦取代了打字機,谷歌取代了遠景公司,運動型多功能車取代了旅行橋車,紙質(zhì)書取代了電子書,網(wǎng)絡(luò)新聞很快將會取代新聞廣播,這些被購買的商品存活下來并且通過重復(fù)的使用和生產(chǎn)得以“繁殖”。
D 就像是活的有機體和生態(tài)系統(tǒng),經(jīng)濟看起來是精心設(shè)計出來的——就像是人類自然而然是出自一個嚴(yán)謹?shù)闹腔鄣脑O(shè)計師之手,可以理解的是,一個組織嚴(yán)密的政府幾乎需要涉足經(jīng)濟的方方面面。但是也正是像活的有機體是通過自然選擇自下而上的一樣,經(jīng)濟也是通過看不見的手自下而上進行選擇的。 進化和經(jīng)濟之間的對應(yīng)性并不是天衣無縫的,因為需要一些組織嚴(yán)密的法則和法律來保障自由公平的貿(mào)易能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)。但是太多的政府干預(yù)進入市場使得市場既不能實現(xiàn)自由也談不上公平,以前進行的這種嘗試就失敗了,因為市場遠比僅僅是組織嚴(yán)密要復(fù)雜得多,各種因素相互作用,自動催化。在Ludwig von Mises1922年所寫的書《社會主義》中闡述了原因,其中最著名的要數(shù)在有計劃的社會主義經(jīng)濟中的“經(jīng)濟核算”。在資本主義社會中,價格是不變也快速流動的,是由市場上自由的個體交換決定的,價格是人們用來指導(dǎo)消費選擇的信息。Von Mises指出,社會主義經(jīng)濟依賴于資本主義經(jīng)濟來決定價格如何在商品和服務(wù)間分配。社會主義這種的價格決定方式是很累贅且沒有效率的。相對自由的市場才是最終唯一能知道消費者希望花多少錢來購買商品和服務(wù)。
E 經(jīng)濟進化論有助于解釋Yanomam人作為采獵者是怎么進化成像曼哈頓消費貿(mào)易者的。十九世紀(jì),法國經(jīng)濟學(xué)家Frederic Bastiat很好地總結(jié)了其中的原理:“在商品無法跨越的地方,軍隊會頂上去!背耸菑妷训膽(zhàn)士,Yanomam人也是精明的商人,并且當(dāng)他們越多地進行貿(mào)易,他們所要進行的爭斗就越少。原因在于貿(mào)易是一個強有力的社會粘合劑,可以產(chǎn)生政治聯(lián)盟。一個村莊的村民不能直接到另一個村莊宣布他們正在遭遇可能被第三個更加強大的村莊征服的消息——這樣只會展示出自己的軟弱。相反,他們通過貿(mào)易和互惠的活動掩蓋了自己的想要結(jié)盟的真正動機。從而不僅得到了軍亊保護還激發(fā)了一種長期增加雙方財富和SKU (庫存單位)的機制的產(chǎn)生。
F 自由和公平的貿(mào)易發(fā)生在社會中大多數(shù)人的方式交互提供互惠互利。必要的規(guī)則不是神圣的廟宇中的智者或是國會的立法者制定的,而是在寫成法律前經(jīng)過幾代人演化從而被廣泛接受和參與的。法律,沒能通過這樣的測試的法律將被忽略。如果執(zhí)法過于繁重,就會有人反抗。然而人類必須交互這個概念必須也是可以由一個更高的力量來控制是通用的。有趣的是,人們沒有就 “更高的力量”是什么得到廣泛的共識。宗教人士認為是遵循神的律法的良好行為。他們不能想象這樣一個有序的社會是無神的。世俗普通人認為這個力量是政府。他們認為無政府狀態(tài)是野蠻的代名詞。所有人似乎都同意這個概念,有序的社會需要一個無所不能的力量。然而,處處有證據(jù)表明事實并非如此。自發(fā)社會秩序和社會的無政府狀態(tài)的一個重要的區(qū)別是,前者是在律法和一套演化過來的道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)之下由工作和投資演化而來的,而后者是混亂。古典自由主義傳統(tǒng)的馮米塞斯和哈耶克從未聲稱完全缺乏自上而下的規(guī)則會導(dǎo)致最優(yōu)社會秩序,它只是說我們應(yīng)該懷疑我們以社會正義,公平或進步的名義管理他們的能力。
參考答案:
Version 19110 主題 經(jīng)濟進化論
1 NOT GIVEN 2 FALSE 3 TRUE 4 TRUE 5 NOT GIVEN 6 C 7 C 8 E 9 complexity theory
10 evolution and economics 11 complex adaptive systems 12 random genetic mutations 13 permutations