丘吉爾著名的鐵幕演說

　　1946年3月，英國前首相丘吉爾在美國富爾頓發(fā)表的反蘇演說，又稱鐵幕演說。鐵幕演說也被認為是正式拉開了冷戰(zhàn)的序幕。以下是丘吉爾演講的部分節(jié)選。以下是小編為大家整理的丘吉爾著名的鐵幕演說，僅供參考，大家一起來看看吧。

　　英文原文：

　　The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.

　　It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

　　I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.

　　It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

　　From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.

　　The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.

　　Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.

　　In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.

　　The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.

　　I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.

　　I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.

　　But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.

　　What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

　　From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.

　　For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.

　　Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.

　　There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.

　　We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.

　　If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.

　　If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.

　　拓展：　　

　　丘吉爾鐵幕演說的影響

　　當時美蘇兩國是世界上最強大的兩個國家，俗話說“一山不容二虎”，隨著戰(zhàn)爭的結束，共同敵人的消失，美蘇之間的利益摩擦也就日趨劇烈，不只是單獨的美蘇之間的利益爭奪，也是資本主義和共產主義兩種截然不用的意識形態(tài)之間的斗爭，可以說在當時雙方之間已經有了很多的摩擦，只是還礙于各種各樣的原因沒有擺到明面上來，而丘吉爾的這一場鐵幕演說就是直接的撕開了雙方的遮羞布，將整件事情挑明了。因此丘吉爾的鐵幕演說都被認為是之后美蘇之間長達四十多年的冷戰(zhàn)的開端，標志著東西方兩大陣營的正式對立。

　　丘吉爾的鐵幕演說是歷史上有名的演說，在這場演說中，丘吉爾看著歐洲各國逐漸成為社會主義國家，察覺到整個歐洲呈現(xiàn)出對于英國不利的局面，于是堅定的尋求美國的支持，發(fā)表了這場演說。在鐵幕演說之后，整個世界形勢也隨之發(fā)生了改變，長達四十多年的冷戰(zhàn)正式拉開了序幕。

　　丘吉爾鐵幕演說簡介

　　這件事情要從當時的背景說起，二戰(zhàn)結束之后，美國和蘇聯(lián)的實力大增，成為來世界上最強大的兩個國家，蘇聯(lián)實力的增長使得很多的東歐國家走上了社會主義的道路。而丘吉爾本人，除了二戰(zhàn)時期，他一生對于共產黨的態(tài)度都是非常差的，而且英國作為一個典型的資本主義的國家，隨著共產主義陣營的崛起自然是感受到了危機，曾經一起反對法西斯的戰(zhàn)友因為利益上的沖突就這樣站在了對立面上。

　　丘吉爾在演說中認為現(xiàn)在蘇聯(lián)的擴張已經嚴重影響到了國際形勢的安定，因為共產主義的極速擴張，東歐的很多古老國家都處于被蘇聯(lián)掌控的環(huán)境中，根本沒有自主的權利，所以美國作為世界上最強大的國家應該聯(lián)合英國一起反對以蘇聯(lián)為首的共產主義國家。

　　鐵幕演說標志著冷戰(zhàn)的開始

　　1946年3月5日，英國首相丘吉爾在美國富爾頓發(fā)表著名的“鐵幕演說”。

　　1946年3月，英國前首相溫斯頓·丘吉爾在美國富爾頓發(fā)表的反蘇演說。又稱鐵幕演說。1946年1月，丘吉爾應邀訪美。3月5日，他在美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門陪同下抵達密蘇里州富爾頓，在杜魯門的母校威斯敏斯特學院發(fā)表了題為“和平砥柱”的演說。丘吉爾在演說中公開攻擊蘇聯(lián)“擴張”，宣稱“從波羅的海的什切青到亞得里亞海邊的里雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經降落下來”，蘇聯(lián)對“鐵幕”以東的中歐、東歐國家進行日益增強的高壓控制。1947年3月12日美國總統(tǒng)杜魯門提出的國情咨文的有關內容，標志著美國等西方國家對蘇聯(lián)等社會主義國家正式推行“冷戰(zhàn)”政策。

　　1991年，蘇聯(lián)、“華約”解體，美、蘇兩大集團長達 40年的“冷戰(zhàn)”結束。

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